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Wall Street Journal, 11.3.2005
COMPLETING KOSOVO ©
Dr. Dimitrij Rupel, Ljubljana
The recent indictment and surrender of former Kosovo Prime Minister
Ramush Haradinaj casts a new shadow over the fragile Balkan stability.
There were fears that Mr. Haradinaj's indictment would set off new
violence in Kosovo--even attacks against the international personnel
present in the area, which, if unchecked, could spread to neighboring
Macedonia, Serbia, Montenegro and, not least, Bosnia.
For the time being, the situation looks to be under control. In
fact, given Mr. Haradinaj's extradition to The Hague and a change
in government in Pristina, it is high time to bring Belgrade and
Pristina back to the negotiating table. Kosovo's final status can
be resolved in a stable manner only if the result is sanctioned
by both capitals.
The international community has everything to gain from insisting
on Kosovo's full cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal
for the former Yugoslavia, and we should work to conclude this process
sooner than later. Cooperation with the tribunal is a standard all
Balkan states must fulfill, and Mr. Haradinaj's commitment to cooperate
fully is in many respects crucial to Kosovo's future status, which
remains in flux.
The situation on the ground is truly complex. Unemployment in Kosovo
hovers around 60%, depending on which statistical office is reporting.
The youth are desperate and unenthusiastic about the future. The
production sector remains almost totally inactive. Kosovo is supported
by international aid and diaspora money on the one hand, and an
unregistered service industry and organized crime on the other.
In light of this, some second thoughts about Kosovo's viability
as an independent state are justified. But viability will not come
from postponing final-status negotiations. Rather, we should work
toward establishing ownership over the process, which seems impossible
as long as Kosovo's future remains unidentified.
Kosovo represents not only a major economic challenge but a serious
demographic and security challenge for the region. I am not sure
it is advantageous for Belgrade to assume this burden, particularly
if the future of both Serbia and Kosovo is inside the European Union.
Serbia's road to EU membership would probably be less bumpy without
Kosovo there to break the process.
The EU has in principle agreed on three premises relating to Kosovo's
final status, namely that Kosovo will not return to pre-1999 status,
that there will be no partition of Kosovo, and that there will be
no joining with the Albanian populations in neighboring states.
It is my understanding that many in the EU and in Washington are
now discussing ways to bring about a final-status solution. As we
deliberate the framework in which to discuss Kosovo's final status,
we must not lose ourselves in petty details, nor can we overlap
each other. But we should keep in mind that time is running out.
A forward-looking common EU-U.S. position on Kosovo's future would
help to cool the temperature on the ground, as well as set the benchmark
for final-status negotiations. In consultations with Washington,
the EU's list of conditions pertaining to Kosovo's final status
could perhaps be expanded to include an agreement among Serbia,
Kosovo, Montenegro, Albania and Macedonia on the protection of minorities,
and an agreement on protecting religious and cultural identity of
Serbs in Kosovo.
The bottom line is that Kosovo will be an unaccomplished society
unless it manages to integrate and protect its Serb minority. Some
progress has been made in this direction, but more remains to be
done. During my recent visit to Washington, it was mentioned that
Kosovo Albanians and Kosovo Serbs know less about each other than
the Palestinians and the Israelis. This is bad news.
Success in final-status negotiations depends on whether we succeed
in building cross-ethnic trust in Kosovo and in strengthening the
confidence between Belgrade and Pristina.
Dr. Dimitrij Rupel is foreign minister of Slovenia and Chairman-in-office
of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.
© Pravice pridržane. Wall Street Journal.
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