1.8.2005
Address
by the OSCE Chairman-in-Office Dimitrij Rupel
at the Ceremony to mark the 30th Anniversary of the Helsinki Final
Act
Helsinki, Finland
"30 years, 30 messages"
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
colleagues, friends!
Here we are again!
It took thirty years to travel from Helsinki to Helsinki. But what
a travel, what a time it was!
There were a lot of conflicts and problems, even tragedies, but
after all, it was three decades of positive development.
After 1975, the iron curtain started to tear. Between 1978 and
1980 two Polish giants, Wojtyla and Walensa determinate the course
of positive events. In the eighties, Central- and Eastern-European
dissidents started journals and NGO’s, wrote manifestos, established
political movements and non-Communist parties. They formulated “the
democracy agenda” that brought the fall of the Berlin Wall (1989),
and a thorough transformation of Soviet, Yugoslav and other Communist
societies. Ronald Reagan met Mikhail Gorbachev in 1988. Empires
broke down. The political stage of Europe was taken over by young
and energetic democrats who had lived on the margins of the previous
society. The East started to join the West. The EU and NATO enlarged.
The positive development was attacked by the terrorists on September
11, 2001, and continues to be challenged today in Spain, Great Britain,
Egypt, Russia, Turkey and elsewhere.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I remember Helsinki and the CSCE from the meetings of the Slovenian
opposition on the eve of the first democratic election in former
Yugoslavia. What we knew about the CSCE, sounded subversive and
liberating. The letters CSCE we whispered with hope and enthusiasm.
As we gather here to review our common past and outline our common
future, I wish to present to you what I consider the 30
most important messages of the OSCE on the 30th anniversary of this
organization, which I hope will outline not only our past
achievements but challenge us to proactively engage in the challenges
ahead. I wish to speak to you today about these:
1. The years leading up to the signing ceremony were a whirlwind
of diplomacy. Before the first meeting at the Dipoli Conference
Centre in November 1972, a series of major steps were taken to satisfy
key preconditions by the main players.
2. As a result, the possibility was created for a major European
security conference. Finland took advantage of its geo-strategic
position in Europe and its impartiality to offer to host the conference.
I dare say that there probably would not have been a CSCE if it
had not been for the initiative and determination of your former
President Urho Kekkonen and the efficiency of Finland’s diplomatic
corps.
3. That meeting in Dipoli in 1972 set in motion a process that
surpassed the wildest dreams of its planners.
4. The product of two years of negotiations came to fruition in
the summer of 1975 when thirty five heads of state and government
met in the Finlandia hall.
5. Despite the grand occasion, there were plenty of skeptics who
felt that the meeting was a de facto recognition of the Cold War
status quo. On both counts, the critics said, the West had sold
out to the Communist bloc. But it did not turn out that way.
6. In 1990 and in 1991 the Iron Curtain fell, and new democratic
governments took over. The OSCE was at the center of this great
moment in history, working over a period of 30 years to pull together
the West and the East.
7. In many ways, this moment of unification continues as the OSCE
zone spans now from Vancouver to Vladivostok housing under one roof
55 nations. For that we can thank the Helsinki process. This process
was, on the one hand, a series of meetings and commitments that
followed up the Final Act and created a momentum for dialogue, confidence
building, and openness.
8. The Helsinki process was, at the same time, a movement that
was inspired by Principle Seven of the Act – dissidents across Eastern
Europe and the Soviet Union rallying around the human rights commitments
to force their leaders to keep the promises that they had made.
9. The combination of these inter-governmental and non-governmental
streams created a river of change that swept away the foundations
of communism and a polarized European security system. This helped
the process of détente, and built trust and confidence. It linked
human rights and security.
10. In short, the CSCE process was a key element in ending the
Cold War and making Europe safer and more united.
Dear Colleagues,
11. The process of creating Europe whole, free, and prosperous
is not yet complete. Peace in the Balkans is still fragile, while
in parts of Europe reforms are only a few years in the making. It
is important that we keep vigilant and that the OSCE remains involved
in South East and East Europe, Caucasus and Central Asia.
12. The OSCE has been a prominent builder and consolidator of Western
Balkan democracies through offering a helping hand in promoting
good governance.
13. The Western Balkans, however, is being slowly absorbed by Europe,
which at the end of the day, makes sense. This area belongs in the
EU and I hope we will soon see a new EU-Balkan momentum—maybe in
the format of a partnership for prosperity. On the other hand, there
is a danger of negative attitudes developing on both sides.
13. The OSCE remains, however, central to progress and reforms
in Central Asia. This is an area in urgent need of attention and
help. And I don’t say this in a patronizing way. Central Asia is
a fantastic region with a paramount geostrategic position, rich
in natural resources and culture. It is also a region in transition,
where many positive developments are taking shape.
14. Let us consider the recent presidential election in Kyrgyzstan,
which by the OSCE standards were for the most part free and fair.
Kyrgyzstan is in a process of democratic consolidation. The OSCE
should stand ready to be a partner in this process, and must be
able to help the new government establish democratic principles
and reach economic prosperity. What happens in Kyrgyzstan is important
for transition and change in the whole of Central Asia.
15. The OSCE can and should help Central Asia deal with issues
of governing capacity, corruption, and pockets of lawlessness. We
cannot afford to tolerate lawless regions within our community.
In the age of interconnectivity and international terrorism, states
have an additional responsibility to exercise sovereignty responsibly.
Pockets of lawlessness are gathering zones for terrorists, though
as we are reminded by the July 7 London attacks, extremists live
right amongst us – as 2nd and 3rd generation citizens. Thus, we
have to be careful about the parallels we draw between 21st century
terrorist groups like Al Qaeda and global problems like poverty.
These two phenomena are grave in their own accounts, but are not
necessarily linked.
16. What happened on September 11 and then again in Madrid, and
now in London and in Sharm- el-Sheikh is also an attack on the vary
values that the OSCE holds dear.
17. Terrorism is to politics what theft is to
earning a living. Terrorism is about power not about any cause,
nation, people or religion. Terrorists are prepared to accept any
cause, nation, people or religion to achieve terror, which is –
in their eyes – a way to power and domination. Terrorist’s views
are confused and confusing. They say they reject globalization and
universal values, while they take advantage of it. Our societies
and communities will continue being targets, and frankly, I don’t
believe we can ever get rid of terrorism in its entirety. What we
can do however, is minimise the impact in terms of raw damage resulting
from terrorism; marginalize the terrorist’s appeal; and keep the
worst of weapons out of the hands of the terrorists.
18. The intolerable proposition is WMD terrorism.
19. This means that we need to crack down on international organized
crime which can help terrorists get access to WMD. Organized crime
and terrorism are really two sides of the same coin. Here, the OSCE
can do more, and this is why law and order, good governance in Central
Asia and beyond are so relevant. We can work within the OSCE context
to assess and then help secure the WMD stockpiles in Russia and
across Central Asia. We have the format—let’s use it also for this
purpose. We must cut off the supply. I see almost no way for approaching
this problem from the demand side of the equation. Bin Laden has
been more than clear in stating that acquisition of WMD is a ‘religious
calling’ of a sort.
20. Democracy and good governance are the best long-term security
policies, and the worst enemies of organized crime and clandestine
groups. This is one of the reasons why I appreciate so much the
democratic achievements connected with the presidential elections
in Kyrgyzstan.
21. The solution to Central Asia’s institutional underdevelopment
will not come overnight. And our job will become even more difficult
if we focus on the individual cases and lose the regional perspective.
Moreover, for this project to succeed, we need full cooperation
and coordination between the U.S., the EU and Russia. The role of
the media and the NGO's should not be overlooked. Their importance
has sometimes been understimated in countries West of Vienna, while
in many countries East or South of Vienna, former rulers of autocratic
regimes have become owners of strategic political and economic instruments,
especially the media, which they use in a most paradoxical ways,
actually disrupting the development of democracy.
22. We have to make the necessary long-term political commitments
to stabilize and democratize Central Asia. It’s impossible to be
serious about democracy and progress in this part of the world without
commitment the resources. Some form of a reconstruction and development
agency for Central Asia is an idea worth pursuing.
Ladies and gentlemen,
23. Our organization has been invited to perform also in Afghanistan
and in Palestine. We have developed relations with Mongolia, South
Korea, Thailand and Japan. There are initiatives to establish a
new working relationship with China. Clearly, the pressure is to
engage out of area as well as in area. I think we have to take advantage
of these opportunities, and welcome new partners into the OSCE.
Participating in out of area operations should not be a taboo issue
for the OSCE. In fact all regional organizations—including NATO
and the EU—are considering ways and means to work out of area. It
makes sense to give the 21st Century geostrategic context. There
is hardly a threat or a problem today that is endemic to a particular
area or group. Instability is an incredibly fluid condition; as
is stability.
Dear Friends,
24. We should sharpen and raise the OSCE’s profile. The OSCE does
great work, but it is an unsung hero. We need to better inform the
public about what we do, and this could perhaps be achieved by identifying
and concentrating on a few key areas and strategies.
25. After the summer break, we will have an opportunity to exchange
views on reform and to set an agenda for strengthening the OSCE’s
effectiveness. The report of the Panel of Eminent Persons and other
contributions provide us with plenty of ideas. Maybe in the near
future it will be time to hold an OSCE Summit to crown the reform
process and underline the need to take further common action that
builds on our common purpose.
26. The process of strengthening the OSCE should respond to real
needs and not abstract models. Our daily work, particularly in the
field, should constantly remind us of what we do well and what needs
improving. Our field missions are of paramount value and we should
continue supporting them and making them work better.
27. We need to show the same political courage in plotting a future
course for this great Organization and the ideals that it stands
for. Let us move ahead in the spirit of co-operation and goodwill,
and cultivate this spirit also amongst the strategic groups—i.e.
students, business leaders, and academics.
28. We have managed to achieve what we have in the last 30 years
because this vast community has learned to reject ethnic hatred,
discrimination, corruption, poverty… and totalitarian politics.
Terrorists want to stop the positive development that started in
1975, called the Helsinki Process, and that has changed the world.
29. As we count our victims on the streets of New York, London,
Madrid, Sharm al Sheikh, Beslan, Tashkent, Istanbul, and other cities,
the message is simple: terrorism can never prevail, if we present
our cause and analysis to our citizens in a persuasive way.
30. We must cooperate and integrate.
In conclusion, I would again like to thank you, Erkki, for hosting
this meeting. To all participating States, to all those who have
been involved in and touched by the Helsinki process, and to everyone
working in this great Organization, I say Happy Birthday OSCE!
Thank you!
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